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Intervention in Libya, why not Darfur?

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Photo of Darfur refugees in a camp along the Chad-Sudan border in 2007 (Image by Jeb Sharp)

International forces didn't intervene in the Darfur crisis, so why did it happen so quickly in Libya?


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This story was originally covered by PRI's The World. For more, listen to the audio above.

by Jeb Sharp

The pace of the Libya intervention has stunned the people of Darfur and the activists who worked so hard to protect them. Back in 2004, the assumption was that if you raised a loud enough outcry, governments would act to stop mass atrocities. In Libya the outcry had barely begun when governments intervened. The difference has not gone unnoticed by Rebecca Hamilton the author of "Fighting for Darfur: Public Action and the Struggle to Stop Genocide".

"What Libya has that Darfur never had, still does not have to the present day, and desperately needs, is a unified international commitment to do civilian protection," said Hamilton.

Hamilton says Libya underscores for her how the battle to protect civilians takes place in the realm of global geo-politics. In this case it was the Arab League's request to the UN Security Council to enforce a no fly zone and protect civilians that made the difference.

"Without that then you would have had China in particular doing what it did in Darfur–and which is its typical position–which is to threaten to veto anything that looks interventionist," said Hamilton.

"But with the Arab League specifically requesting to the UN Security Council that they do this, I think that led to China agreeing to abstain and let such a strong civilian protection resolution go through."

The Arab League was willing to forsake Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi in a way it was never ready to forsake Sudanese President Omar al Bashir. Michael Knights of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy says a key motivating factor in the Libya intervention was the widespread desire to see Gaddafi fall.

"The Arab League generally has no love for Gadhafi," said Knights. "Many of the key players have a strong desire to see Gadhafi fall because of prior disagreements and bitter conflicts that they've had with him. Likewise the West has long-lasting grudges against Gadhafi whether they be the U.S., the British, the French."

Even so, it wasn't a given that the Arab League would sideline Gadhafi, notes Rebecca Hamilton. At the height of the outcry over Darfur, the Arab League stood by Sudanese President Omar al Bashir.

"I think what made the difference is the high-level defections of some of Gadhafi's closest inner circle," said Hamilton.

"And that again is something that you have not had in Sudan. Bashir's inner circle have stayed tight and in support of him. But I think that when Gadhafi's inner circle started to split it was easier for regional bodies like the Arab League to say, well we can stand beside Libya, whilst isolating Gadhafi."

But Hamilton says there's another striking reason things have played out differently in Libya and Darfur.

"If I had to put it in one word, I'd say Iraq," said Hamilton.

"The problem during the early days in Darfur was that it was really only the U.S. government that was leading the charge for civilian protection, and it was in many ways the worst-placed actor to do so in the context of the recent invasion in Iraq. It just looked like hypocrisy and double standards for the Bush Administration to be talking about human rights in Darfur whilst you had Guantanamo, Abu Ghraib, and all of the other consequences of Iraq."

It also made it easy for President Bashir of Sudan to paint any discussion of an international peacekeeping force for Darfur as an American-led attempt to invade yet another Muslim country. But things are different today. Time has passed. There's a different administration in the White House, and the rest of the world is less cynical about US motives. There is surprising support for the Libya intervention in the Arab World.

But even if there had been similar agreement on Darfur there's another glaring difference between the two cases, according to Robert Pape of the University of Chicago.

"The main difference between Darfur and Libya is actually the geography," said Pape.

Pape points out that Libya is close to Europe and right on the coast. That means Gadhafi's forces are vulnerable to NATO's sea-based air power. Darfur, by contrast, is in western Sudan, hundreds of miles from the sea, with mountainous terrain and lots of small arms fire. Protecting civilians there is a different proposition.

"As a result, nearly every plan that was serious included significant numbers of ground troops," said Pape. "The African Union put together the smallest plan for 2000 ground forces, the UN began to look at this and very quickly the number got up to 30,000 ground troops. And once you're talking about tens of thousands of ground troops going into a very hostile environment, now we begin to balance out the humanitarian goal with the serious risk of life to ourselves."

The UN Security Council did eventually deploy a peacekeeping force to Darfur, but not before hundreds of thousands of people had died and millions had been displaced. Even now, says Rebecca Hamilton, there's an urgent need for international pressure for a peace settlement and the enforcement of a ceasefire in Darfur.

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PRI's "The World" is a one-hour, weekday radio news magazine offering a mix of news, features, interviews, and music from around the globe. "The World" is a co-production of the BBC World Service, PRI and WGBH Boston.More about The World.

Found in:   Marco Werman   crime/conflict   Libya   Sudan   The World   North Africa
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Yeni 15 May, 2012 07:15:46
#77 Iraq is an oppressive rgeime, and Afghanistan is a narco state Perhaps so; but then again you've taken your eye off the ball. Both those things had also been the case, depuis longtemps, prior to the US incursions. The point of the whole interventionist exercise, seen from a bird's-eye point of view, was never the integrity or improvement of those local systems (though that woulda been an optimal outcome had it been possible to achieve and I'd agree the effort has fallen far short of achieving them): the point was the defense of an entire world system under attack.Here's what you forget: US territorial security/stability and global security/stability are deeply intertwined, seeing as how the US is, like it or not, the ultimate guarantor of a great deal of the latter. Upset one factor in a profound fashion and you upset the other, with unforeseeable consequences but they're likely to be grave.1. US territory was attacked on 9/11/01, in an egregious act of war perpetrated moreover (and rather surprisingly) by a non-state actor;2. The egregiousness of the act, coupled with the bizarre novelty of its having been executed by an international non-state actor (consider that the USSR, a far deadlier enemy, never did such a thing), constituted a wholly new model of warfare and aggression. If this new model were allowed to gain purchase or be perceived as being successful, it would be repeated over and over in an open-source fashion, and the consequences for global security and order, under present organizing principles, could have been profoundly destabilizing. Now some leftist chuckleheads might of course cheer that development, but y'know after all, there's always kids smokin' in the boys room, and they seldom amount to much. Hey, ask me how I know.3. So realistically, matters had to be dealt with. Laxity was not really an option. Did you want to see San Diego blown up with a home-made bomb, and then a global nuclear war as a consequence? Them was your sort of options; sadly, Pete Seeger records were not exactly on the table. As Morrissey so bluntly put it, Unruly boys who will not grow up must be taken in hand. 4. As it happens though, we had the misfortune in this crisis of having fools like Bush and the neocons at the helm at the time, each with their bizarre and unhelpful side-agendas; and so, even though a strong response was in order, the responses which they happened to choose reeked of unwisdom.5. It does not follow from that unwisdom, that no response whatever was the correct reply.6. All of which is to say that, your proposition that Iraq and Afghanistan are not now presently fonts of justice and enlightenment, doesn't signify much of anything with respect to the general global problems at hand. I'll concede that it's an outrage to the peoples of those countries that they have to put up with this ****, but that all goes to much bigger problems of which the present troubles are but a part. Nevertheless I agree that the whole thing should have been handled with much greater wisdom and a more subtle and skillful hand.7. All the same, there's no QED residing in generalized anger, even if it's justified, that those places aren't in peace and good order. They weren't before and they aren't now, and it's not clear what could have or can be done to make them so. But of course it was also the height of folly to intervene crudely and make them even worse.
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